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`Calendari` de judicis 

i actes de suport

Acusat de colpejar el mateix mosso d’esquadra que en Marcel Vivet a la protesta contra Jusapol

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Initially, the Public Prosecutor's Office announced that it would investigate 712 mayors. **Proceedings were initiated against 78 mayors for disobedience to the Constitutional Court**, and in some cases, also for embezzlement, for allowing municipal spaces to be used for the organization of the referendum. Out of these cases, **65 have been dismissed**. Six cases have gone to trial, resulting in two acquittals for the former mayor of Roses (who is currently a councilor) and the former mayor of Roquetes, and four convictions for the former mayors of Alcarràs, Agramunt, Argentona, and Sabadell, which involve fines and disqualification. The cases against the mayors and former mayors of **Figueres, Collbató, Dosrius, La Ràpita, Castelló d'Empúries, and Molins de Rei** **are still under investigation or pending trial in the coming months.**

Mayors investigated for organising 1 October

**Several individual proceedings or cases involving small groups of people are still ongoing.** 

**Josep Lluís Alay** is still under investigation for his trip as the director of President Puigdemont's office to New Caledonia. **Roger Español**, a victim of police violence on October 1st, continues to face charges pursued by the Public Prosecutor's Office and the Professional Police Union (SPP). **Four firefighters from the Girona Fire Department** are accused of dereliction of duty and embezzlement for sounding the sirens in front of the Civil Guard barracks the day after the referendum (October 2nd, 2017). **Joel Muñoz** is facing an excessive sentence request from the Public Prosecutor's Office of 18 years in prison and a fine of 11,000 euros for computer crimes and revelation of secrets, with a trial expected to take place soon.

Regarding the **protests following the arrest of President Puigdemont in Germany on March 25th, 2018, four individuals are still awaiting trial** in Barcelona. The case against an **activist from Empordà for peacefully demonstrating against Judge Llarena** in Mont-Ras is still open and charged with assault against authority. There are ongoing cases stemming from the **first anniversary of October 1st in Barcelona**. In the case of Girona, the mobilizations on October 1st, 2018, resulted in 21 arrests, four of which are still awaiting trial. The trial has been postponed twice, with requests for four-year prison sentences for each of them. The **arrests on September 11th and October 1st, 2020, in Barcelona, Lleida, and Girona, as well as the protests against the disqualification of MHP Quim Torra on September 28th, 2020,** are also still under investigation. The Tortosa investigating court continues with the absurd secret investigation carried out by the Civil Guard since October 2017 against **seven individuals from the Ebre region, Barcelona, and Empordà who criticized the police violence of October 1st on Facebook**. They are charged with hate crimes, threats, insults, and defamation against a Civil Guard officer.

Other open proceedings

It is suspected to be acting as a general case against independence under the label of **terrorism and sedition, the extent of which is unknown**. It has remained secret for almost 5 years, and so far, only a part of its content has been accessible. The investigation consists of searches using open sources - networks and media -, subjective police complaints, and numerous phone interceptions and surveillance of dozens of individuals. There is suspicion that from these proceedings, different operations have emerged, fragmenting them and placing them under seal, thus granting full authorization to the police forces and limiting the possibilities of defense. For example, this gave rise to the anti-terrorism operation against activists Adrià Carrasco and Tamara Carrasco, which led to their exile and respective arrests, and they were finally accused of public disorder offenses, tried in Catalan ordinary courts, and acquitted. The **Operation Mambo**, with at least 38 independentist activists being spied upon, is another example. The case has also been used to incriminate the activists of the CDR in Operation Judes, where the defenses managed, after the penal chamber of the National Court itself noted the violation of defense rights in the judge's instruction, to win their appeals to access part of the documentation.

With the documentation from part of the summary, the extent of this prospective macro case, now temporarily archived, could be ascertained. **It served to sustain fictional political narratives, and justified espionage, surveillance, and the opening of terrorism cases against the independence movement.**

Secret case 104/2017

**It has become the main case against the organisation of the 1 October Referendum**. It started in February 2017 with a single person investigated at first. The case went so far as to investigate 48 people, concluding with the current 27 and the three who have been referred to the TSJC because of their special legal privileges as Catalan MPs. A bail of 5.8 million was set and they have been prosecuted for the crimes of embezzlement of public funds, disobedience, forgery, disclosure of secrets and prevarication.

**The investigation of this case led to the arrests of 14 people on 20 September 2017 in different Catalan government ministries, and also to initiate the case against Jordi Cuixart and Jordi Sànchez that would end with their sentence by the Supreme Court**, together with nine members of the Catalan Government and the speaker of the Parliament of Catalonia. At the same time, this investigation has supported part of the case of Investigating Court no. 18 against 10 people, already investigated by the Court of Auditors, and some investigations by Investigating Court no. 13, resulting in an absolute lack of procedural guarantees denounced by the defendants.

Case against the referenum organization (Investigating Court no. 13 of Barcelona)

An investigation has been opened against 10 people prosecuted by the Court of Auditors and some also by Investigating Court no. 13 of Barcelona, following the complaint of the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the result of the report of the Court of Auditors of 23 March 2019 on the foreign activity of the Generalitat (DIPLOCAT). They are being investigated for crimes of prevarication, embezzlement of public funds and forgery of public documents, turning this investigation into a double criminal prosecution for the same incidents already investigated by Investigating Court no. 13 of Barcelona, as reported by the defendants.

Case against the international activity of the Catalan government (Investigating Court no. 18 of Barcelona)

The preliminary proceedings 85/2019 refer to the **Operation Volhov**. The judge of the National Court is investigating the organization of Tsunami Democràtic and its structure **in a terrorism case, which has been unjustifiably kept under secrecy for three years**. Even the criminal chamber of the National Court requested the judge to lift the secrecy as it was unjustifiably prolonging, thereby prejudicing the rights of the individuals under investigation.

The details, scope, and final number of individuals or groups being investigated are unknown. The case is still under investigation, with the Civil Guard and the Prosecutor's Office submitting various proceedings and reports, and there is a possibility of expanding the investigation to include new individuals or making arrests.

The case **lacks any basis under international law and violates several fundamental rights**. Investigating the protests of Tsunami Democràtic (and its organizers) does not constitute, under any circumstances, a terrorist offense. Instead, it represents a criminalization of the **right to peaceful assembly** (Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights) and violates the **right to a fair trial** (Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights), the **right to family life, home, and correspondence** (Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights), and the **right to liberty and security** (Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights).

The various leaks to the press made by the prosecution and the investigating judge emphasize the alleged amount of damage caused by the protests of Tsunami Democràtic, estimating them in millions of euros, including the protest at Barcelona-El Prat Airport and the blockade of the AP-7 highway at the French border (Pertús).

Secret Tsunami Democràtic case

**Adrián Sas.**  The young man from Vilafranca del Penedès was sentenced by the Provincial Court of Barcelona and confirmed by the High Court of Justice of Catalonia to 3 and a half years in prison for assaulting a police officer and causing injuries during the mobilizations on the first anniversary of October 1st. His arrest took place two months later. The Generalitat (Catalan government) participated in the proceedings as an accuser, despite having stated that they would withdraw, but ultimately did not do so. Due to the aggravating factor introduced by the Generalitat's lawyer in their accusation, the imposed sentence exceeded two years of imprisonment. Currently, an appeal has been filed with the Supreme Court, and it is pending.

**Victor Verdejo.** On December 18, 2019, as part of the mobilization called by Tsunami Democràtic against the verdict of the process, coinciding with the Barça-Madrid match at the Camp Nou, thousands of people demonstrated outside the stadium. The Catalan police Mossos d'Esquadra carried out different police charges with great violence, injuring a total of 25 demonstrators. Víctor was arrested on one of these charges, accused of public disorder, assault on authority and injuries. The Generalitat, initially appointed, withdrew and the private prosecution was carried out directly by the Mossos d'Esquadra agents.

On November 28, 2022, the Provincial Court of Barcelona sentenced Víctor to 3 years in prison for the crimes of assault on authority and injuries. The only proof of charge consisted of the statement of the officers involved in the arrest. The appeal filed with the Superior Court of Justice of Catalonia (TSJC) is currently pending.

**Dani Gallardo.** He was arrested as part of a rally against the judgment of the Trial on October 16, 2019 in Madrid. Dani tried to help a colleague who was being violently reduced by four anti-riot officers, and ended up being arrested, accusing him of facts and crimes that were never proven. Even so, for these facts Dani spent a year in pre-trial detention awaiting trial, the Provincial Court of Madrid decreed his provisional release, subsequently sentencing him to 4 and a half years in prison. All of the defense's appeals have been dismissed, and on May 17, 2023, the second room of the Supreme Court dismissed its cassation appeal, returning the case to the AP of Madrid for execution. An appeal is currently pending at the TC with the request for suspension of the sentence.

Sentences of more than two years in prison with open appeals

On 28 October 2017, the day after the Declaration of Independence of Catalonia, the Spanish Senate and government suspended the autonomy of Catalonia and all its institutions of self-government, ordering their administration directly from Madrid. The president of the Generalitat and his entire government were dismissed. Meanwhile, the Public Prosecutor’s Office filed charges of rebellion, sedition and embezzlement against the entire government and the National High Court summoned them on 2 and 3 November. At that time, President **Carles Puigdemont** and Catalan ministers **Antoni Comín** (Health), **Clara Ponsatí** (Education), **Lluís Puig** (Culture) and **Meritxell Serret** (Agriculture) were in Brussels (Belgium), placing themselves at the disposal of the Belgian justice system. The rest of the Catalan government was imprisoned by National High Court judge Carmen Lamela at the request of the Public Prosecutor’s Office.

**Marta Rovira**, secretary general of ERC, was charged by the Supreme Court with the alleged crime of rebellion for organising the Referendum, then conditionally released on bail. On 23 March 2018, Spanish Supreme Court Magistrate Pablo Llarena summoned her to review her procedural situation together with **Jordi Turull, Dolors Bassa, Raül Romeva, Josep Rull** and **Carme Forcadell**. All were imprisoned except Rovira, who went into exile in Switzerland.

On 21 February 2018, Magistrate Pablo Llarena summoned former CUP member and **MP Anna Gabriel** to the Supreme Court to answer questions about organising the Referendum with allegations of rebellion and sedition. Faced with a lack of guarantees to have a fair trial, she moved to Switzerland.

Currently, and after different courts in **Germany, Belgium, Scotland and Italy have disallowed the European and international arrest** warrants originating from Spain and questioned the impartiality of the Spanish courts, the magistrate of the Spanish Supreme Court, Pablo Llarena, went alone to tender on March 9, 2021, different preliminary questions to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in relation to the validity of the Euroorders and in relation to Lluís Puig, Carles Puigdemont, Toni Comín, Clara Ponsatí, Meritxell Serret, Marta Rovira and Anna Gabriel.

At the same time, on January 7, 2021, Belgian justice ended up denying the extradition of the Minister of Culture, Lluís Puig, citing the resolution of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions on the arbitrariness of the imprisonment of political prisoners, and alleging the lack of competence of the Supreme Court to be able to judge him and that in the case of executing the European arrest warrant, their fundamental rights would be endangered. Subsequently, in the preliminary question that the Supreme Court (TS) would send to the CJEU, it will be alleged that despite the existence of a serious risk of violation of the fundamental rights of the person against whom an order has been issued of European detention (Lluís Puig), this risk cannot constitute, according to the TS, a reason for refusal.

As for President Carles Puigdemont, Toni Comín and Clara Ponsatí, in their capacity as MEPs, they enjoy **parliamentary immunity**, provisionally granted by the Court of Justice of the European Union, after the European Parliament's decision to accept the pleading of the Spanish Supreme Court to withdraw their immunity with the votes in favor of the Spanish parties (PSOE, PP, Ciudadanos and VOX) and the pressure they exerted within their parliamentary groups.

**Meritxell Serret returned from exile on March 11, 2021**, and appeared before the Supreme Court, which processed her for the crime of disobedience, referring the case to the High Court of Justice of Catalonia (TSJC). In mid-September 2022, the Prosecutor's Office filed an indictment requesting one year of disqualification from public office and a fine of €12,000. The trial took place on March 29, 2023, and the verdict on April 26 convicted her of a serious crime of disobedience, sentencing her to one year of disqualification and a fine of €12,000.

On July 19, 2022, **Anna Gabriel returned from Switzerland** and appeared before the Spanish Supreme Court, where she made a statement before the investigating judge, Pablo Llarena, on September 14, 2022. She is currently awaiting the resolution of her new legal situation regarding the crime of disobedience without any precautionary measures.

With the repeal of the crime of sedition, **Clara Ponsatí returned to Barcelona on March 28 after 5 years in exile**. On the same day, she was arrested by the Mossos d'Esquadra (Catalan police) in a questionable operation and taken before the judicial authority. She was notified that she had to appear before the Supreme Court (Madrid) on April 24 for a hearing regarding the crime of disobedience. Ponsatí did not attend, citing her immunity as a Member of the European Parliament and the obligation of Judge Llarena to suspend the proceedings following her request for protection from the European Parliament.

On January 31, 2023, the CJEU issued the judgment that answered the preliminary questions urged by the Supreme Court in March 2021. In this Judgment, although the CJEU saw no obstacle to the issuance of new arrest warrants, it conditioned them to criteria of proportionality and respect for fundamental rights. Likewise, it defined in which cases a judicial body can refuse the execution of a European arrest warrant and which allegations can be made with sufficient connection to deny the execution of the European warrant, such as, the validity of international reports that highlight the lack of guarantees and respect for freedoms in the requesting State. In addition, the CJEU put on the table that one of the reasons that would justify the rejection of an arrest warrant is to prove the existence of deficiencies that affect the judicial guardianship of an objectively identifiable group of people to which the person concerned belongs . Thus the CJEU established that both the attestation of generalized deficiencies in the functioning of the judicial system of the issuing State or that these are projected on an **objectively identifiable group**, are causes for the dismissal of arrest warrants.

**Meritxell Serret** returned from exile on March 11, 2021 and appeared before the Supreme Court, which prosecuted her for a crime of disobedience. The case was referred to the Catalan Superior Court (TSJC). In mid-September 2022, the Prosecutor's Office presented an indictment requesting one year of disqualification from holding public office and a €12,000 fine. There is no trial date yet. On July 19, 2022, Anna Gabriel returned from Switzerland appearing in the Spanish Supreme Court and testifying to the instructor Pablo Llarena on September 14, 2022. She is currently waiting for the Supreme Court to resolve her new procedural situation in relation to the crime of disobedience without any precautionary measure.

On January 31, 2023, the CJEU issued the judgment that answered the preliminary questions urged by the Supreme Court in March 2021. In this Judgment, although the CJEU saw no obstacle to the issuance of new arrest warrants, it conditioned them to criteria of proportionality and respect for fundamental rights. Likewise, it defined in which cases a judicial body can refuse the execution of a European arrest warrant and which allegations can be made with sufficient connection to deny the execution of the European warrant, such as, the validity of international reports that highlight the lack of guarantees and respect for freedoms in the requesting state. In addition, the CJEU put on the table that one of the reasons that would justify the rejection of an arrest warrant is to prove the existence of deficiencies that affect the judicial guardianship of an objectively identifiable group of people to which the person concerned belongs . Thus the CJEU established that both the attestation of generalized deficiencies in the functioning of the judicial system of the issuing State or that **these are projected on an objectively identifiable group**, are causes for the dismissal of arrest warrants.

Exiles

**Once the sentence condemning the leaders of the independentist movement to nearly 100 years in prison was made public, the people staged a permanent protest with several street demonstrations between 14 October 2019 and the demonstration at Camp Nou on 18 December 2019**. Many of the cases remain open in different investigating courts across the country (Barcelona, Figueres, Girona, Granollers, Lleida, L'Hospitalet, Manresa, Mataró, Reus, Tarragona and more) or are pending trial by criminal courts and Provincial Courts. Many of the young people who were held in custody in different prisons in Catalonia are still awaiting trial and face requests for sentences of more than six years and in some cases up to nine and a half years in prison for disorder, attack on authority and damage.

**About 50 people are being investigated by Investigating Court no. 4 of Granollers** for blocking the C-17 motorway leading to town of L’Ametlla del Vallès as a result of the post-sentence demonstrations in an investigation with false identifications carried out by the Urban Crime Group of the Mossos d’Esquadra police of Granollers.

The cut off of the mobilization called Tsunami Democràtic between the towns of La Jonquera and Pertús on November 11 and 12, 2019 caused the investigation of a macro-cause that dragged two hundred people to the Figueres courts. As a result of a report from the Prosecutor's Office, **on September 6, 2022, the investigating court 4 ordered the file of the entire case and all those investigated, with the exception of a defendant for alleged attack on authority, together with the police officer who is investigated for an alleged crime of injuries against the protester. Three more people still have an open case for the cut of the AP-7 road in the town of Salt**, further from the Jonquera-Pertús. The rest fifty, were archived by the Court of Instruction 3 of Girona and confirmed by the Provincial Court after the Prosecutor's appeal against the archive.

**Different courts have open cases stemming from the mobilization of Tsunami Democràtic at Camp Nou on December 18, 2019**. On that day, a total of 14 people were arrested, and two more were arrested in the following days, leading to a total of 9 different courts between Barcelona and Hospitalet de Llobregat. For these events, a total of 9 individuals have been sentenced to prison terms ranging from 18 months to three years for offenses of public disorder and assault against authority, while the rest of the cases are still ongoing.

Post-sentence demonstrations

Procedure followed before the Central Court of Instruction No. 6 of the National Court under the magistrate Manuel García Castellón. On September 23, 2019 (just 1 month before the Supreme Court's verdict against Catalan political and civil leaders), **9 individuals linked to the CDR (Committees for the Defense of the Republic) were arrested, and 7 of them were imprisoned for 3 months in the Spanish prison of Soto del Real. Subsequently, in June 2020, 4 new indictments were made.** In March 2022, the National Court ordered the closure of proceedings for one of them. They are accused of being part of a terrorist organization and possession, storage, and manufacturing of explosives, based on a surprising narrative elaborated by the Civil Guard aimed at criminalizing the CDR. No charges have been filed against any of them yet, and the summary remains open, despite the attempts of the investigating judge to close it without giving the defense time to study the preliminary proceedings 104/2017, which are under seal and have fueled the criminalization of the defendants through surveillance and wiretapping. The investigation has been lacking procedural guarantees, and the penal chamber of the National Court has criticized the investigating judge for "violating Article 24.2 of the Spanish Constitution and, in particular, Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights," as the Court has not provided lawyers with access to the full content of the investigation.

Operation Judes

**On 28 October 2020, the Guàrdia Civil arrested 21 people and conducted 31 searches in what is known as Operation Volhov against pro-independentist business people and politicians for allegedly financing the Procés or projects like Tsunami Democràtic**. The lead judge of Investigating Court no. 1 of Barcelona is investigating them for alleged crimes of prevarication, embezzlement and money laundering.

Operation Volhov

On April 14, 2021, the President of the 11th Criminal Court of Barcelona acquitted the 5 members of the Electoral Commission of the disobedience and usurpation of public office crimes. This body formed by Jordi Matas, Marc Marsal, Tània Verge, Marta Alsina and Josep Pagés, was created by Law 19/17 and had the function of ensuring that the Referendum of October 1, 2017 had all the guarantees for a democratic and transparent functioning. Prosecutors filed a lawsuit against the 5 members of the Commission and between March 3 and 4, 2021, the trial took place. Once the acquittal was known, the Public Prosecutor's Office itself appealed the sentence alleging that her rights of defence had been violated by the judge and she had not properly assessed the evidence of the prosecution. On July 19, 2022, more than a year after the acquittal, section 8ª of the Provincial Court upheld the appeal and ordered a repetition of the trial, which is currently pending date.

Electoral Commission

**This highly politicised governmental and administrative accounting control body has been one of the most belligerent in its prosecution against the independentists. Lacking legal and procedural guarantees and acting completely partially, it has prosecuted up to 54 people, many of whom have already been investigated in parallel criminal proceedings**. 

The previous 80/19 process consisted of two sub-procedures: 147/18, referring to the expenses of the 1  October referendum, with 28 people investigated, who had been imposed a bail of €4.1 million; and 79/19, regarding the expenses of the Generalitat’s foreign activity, with 34 people investigated, who had been imposed a bail of €5.4 million. Eight of those investigated were prosecuted in both sub-procedures. 

In late 2021, the outgoing investigating magistrate merged the two separate sub-procedures into a single procedure. With the renewal and change of majorities within the Court following the agreement between the PP and the PSOE, the new Court accepted the guarantees of the Catalan Institute of Finance to make the payment of €5.4 million and avoid the seizure of property, though this had not been accepted by the previous investigating magistrate. In April 2022, the Public Prosecutor’s Office filed a case in the Court of Auditors for a total amount of €3.4 million, lowering the amount from the initial nine million and against a total of 35 of those investigated (including Carles Puigdemont, Artur Mas, Oriol Junqueras , Andreu Mas-Colell, Raül Romeva, Dolors Bassa, Jordi Turull, Toni Comín and Luís Puig), while Societat Civil Catalana presented a new case of €5.3 million to 11 of those investigated.

Court of Auditors

**The Spanish police caused hundreds of injuries to citizens throughout Catalonia on the day of the October 1, 2017 referendum, with a total of 1,066 people requiring medical assistance.** Over 600 complaints were filed in Catalonia for offenses such as torture, assault, crimes against moral integrity, public order, and the right to assembly and demonstration, related to the actions of the Spanish police. As a result, around 20 different cases were opened, implicating up to 180 police officers, with the Barcelona case being the largest. Currently, there are ongoing cases in the courts of Girona, Manresa, Lleida, Mataró, Tarragona, Amposta, and Barcelona. To this day, no member of the Spanish security forces or political figure has been convicted for the violence exerted against the citizens on October 1.

**In most cases, the private prosecution is carried out by voluntary lawyers who, in some places, have formed associations.** Òmnium Cultural has acted as a popular prosecution in the proceedings in Girona, Mataró, Manresa, and Lleida, and in Barcelona, together with ANC and Irídia.

Throughout these cases, the lack of collaboration from the Directorate General of the Police and the Guardia Civil has hindered the investigative process by not providing the necessary information to investigate the criminal acts and the actions of their agents. On the other hand, the Public Prosecutor's Office has acted in collusion with the defense lawyers of the agents and the State's advocacy, neglecting their duties and responsibilities to prosecute crimes and protect the victims.

**The Barcelona case was divided into two parts.** One case involves the 27 schools in the city where there were police charges and people injured by the police action. This case has the highest number of investigated police officers for police violence in Europe. The second case is related to the events that occurred around the Ramon Llull School, which involved severe police charges resulting in Roger Español losing an eye. Both cases are being investigated by the Court of Instruction No. 7 in Barcelona.

In the case of the 27 schools, the judge has charged a total of **47 police officers** with offenses of assault and crimes against moral integrity, including 4 Heads of Units and 7 Group Leaders for their command, supervision, and control responsibilities in the actions of different operational groups. The judge's written order points to the commission through omission by the commanders regarding the anti-regulatory conduct of their subordinates. In some cases, it is asserted that the lack of control by the commanders allowed for the number of people injured. Currently, the court is still pending to resolve the various appeals filed by the defense and prosecution, and subsequently, it will issue the written indictment and request the opening of an oral trial.

Despite managing to bring three unit leaders and several group leaders to trial, the investigation into the highest-ranking officials of the National Police and the ideologues and political figures responsible for the operation has been prevented, and they continue to enjoy absolute impunity, as do many of the agents who were involved, even receiving awards from the state.

Out of the initial 27 polling stations where complaints were filed, 14 will remain unpunished, as the actions of the police officers involved have been deemed justified and in line with the law.

The case investigating the police charges at the **Ramon Llull School** led to a summary procedure due to the investigation of an offense with a penalty exceeding 9 years of imprisonment. In this case, the investigation has resulted in the prosecution of 5 Spanish police officers: one officer responsible for assaulting citizens, the officer responsible for causing injuries to Roger Español, and the entire chain of command that gave the order to shoot (an inspector in charge of the group, an officer and a sub-inspector). Currently, this case has concluded the investigative stage and is awaiting the intermediate phase.

Police violence of 1 October

The political violation of civil and political rights of the Spanish government against the Catalan self-determination movement has different levels and acts at different intensities, making it difficult to determine its ultimate scope. **State police forces** have used violence as a coercive measure to inflict physical harm on mobilized citizens, but also to intimidate society as a whole. The Spanish judiciary, for its part, has acted with all its might to weaken the entire movement: from its leaders to grassroots activism. A separate chapter has been the indiscriminate use of the Court of Auditors to try to ruin the lives of people who have worked diligently to promote the country and its future. Finally, this year it has been made public that state repression has no limits, from cyberespionage with Pegasus to the infiltration of national police into youth organizations.  In 2022 it has been proved that Spain’s violation of civil and political rights has no limits: from **cyberespionage** with Pegasus, to the **infiltration of the Spanish police** in youth organizations and social movements, or the **listening and monitoring** of people linked to grassroots independence .

The violation of civil and political rights had already taken place previously against the democratic attempts of Catalan citizens and institutions to exercise the right to decide. The first independence consultations carried out at the municipal level, which began on September 13, 2009 in Arenys de Munt; or the case throughout Catalonia for the November 9, 2014 consultation, are two relevant cases. The latter involved criminal prosecution with a conviction for disobedience of the President of the Generalitat (Artur Mas) and the councilors (Joana Ortega and Irene Rigau) by the TSJC and nearly 5 million euros against the three politicians, in addition to Francesc Homs and six senior civil servants for the costs of the consultation decreed by the Court of Auditors, a prelude to what occured after the Referendum of the 1st October 2017.

The figures presented below are a first approximation of a rights violation against an entire cross-cutting political movement. **This sets a scenario of living political conflict**.

A GENERAL CASE AGAINST `A POLITICAL MOVEMENT`

victims for exercising the right to vote in the referendum of 1 October 2017

exercise the right to peaceful assembly and protest in demonstrations (from 30 January 2018 to 21 December 2018)

438 victims for exercising the right to peaceful assembly and protest in demonstrations in protest against the sentence of the Procés (from 14 October 2019 to 18 December 2019), including 70 journalists and photojournalists

acts of fascist aggression against people due to their independentist ideology

THEY `BEAT US`

THEY BEAT US

people investigated for links to organising and supporting the Referendum

people investigated to exercise the freedom of expression

people investigated for demonstrating and exercising their right of assembly and protest 

people prosecuted for their links to separatist organisations or do social activism for the Catalan self-determination

people prosecuted for the Generalitat’s foreign actions

persons investgated in criminal procedures

THEY `TRY US`

THEY TRY US

people involved in administrative and accounting procedures

THEY `SUFFOCATE US ECONOMICALLY`

THEY SUFFOCATE US ECONOMICALLY

THEY `SPY ON US`

THEY SPY ON US

Violència policial; macrocauses iniciades per Fiscalia; intervenció de la Generalitat; detencions i empresonaments de líders polítics i de la societat civil com Jordi Cuixart, President d’ômnium Cultural; exili del President Puigdemont, de consellers i dirigents polítics; inhabilitació del President Torra, de diputats del Parlament i d’alcaldes; procediments penals contra càrrecs de la Generalitat, funcionaris i ciutadania; ofec econòmic a responsables polítics; sancions economicoadministratives; operacions contra organitzacions independentistes; vulneració persistent del dret de reunió, de llibertat d'expressió i de representació política; espionatge polític… 

Una causa general contra l’independentisme

MAP OF THE VIOLATION OF CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS IN CATALONIA

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GET INVOLVED

Since the self-determination referendum on October 1, the violation of the civil and political rights of Spain against the movement for self-determination has not stopped. Police violence, macro-cases initiated by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the intervention of the Generalitat, arrests and imprisonment of civil society leaders such as Jordi Cuixart, former president of Òmnium Cultural; or politicians such as Oriol Junqueras, former vice-president of the Generalitat. The exile of President Carles Puigdemont, of political advisers and leaders; the disqualification of President Quim Torra, members of the Parliament of Catalonia and mayors. Criminal proceedings against charges of the Generalitat, civil servants and citizens. The economic suffocation of political leaders, administrative sanctions, operations against pro-independence organizations. The persistent violation of the right of assembly, freedom of expression and political representation. The largest case of political cyberespionage ever discovered or the police infiltration cases in the independentist social movement, specially youth organizations.

Ens peguen

Ens jutgen

Ens investiguen

Ens espien

Ajuda'ns a comptabilitzar la repressió omplint el següent formulari

Ets una persona 

represaliada?

SOLUTION:

The state has been violating civil and political rights in Catalonia for years to safeguard the unity of Spain and the maintenance of the regime that sustains it.  Spain aims to intimidate and demobilize Catalan society, withdraw its opponents from political activity and discourage the self-determination movement as a whole through punishment. In short, to weaken the struggle for self-determination in Catalonia.

THE UNITY OF SPAIN, `AT ANY PRICE`

TO DEFEND THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION

5 years of violation of `civil and political rights`

There are currently around 400 people with an open criminal case, pending trial and/or on trial, some for more than five years.

COURT CASES THAT STILL `NEED YOUR SUPPORT`

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